MotionHouse

'Benign quota' is a fixed ratio in housing occupancy on the basis of race or ethnic origin. this policy establishes racial/ethnic quotas for public housing blocks where a proportion of flats in each neighborhood is allocated to diverse groups. Owners are free to buy and sell flats to persons of any ethnicity as long as racial/ethnic limits of the neighborhood are maintained.

'Exemplary minorities' are individuals from minority demographics who are considered to have achieved a higher level of socioeconomic success than the majority of the population in an area and thus become a reference for people outside the minority community. this success is usually measured by the achievement of educational representation in professional work, low crime household income and high family stability. Examples of exemplary minorities include but are not limited to: Barack Obama Ilhan Omar Kamala Harris AOC etc. in politics or depictions of Asian Americans as high achievers and so on.

Many minority communities have independent court systems, for example, Indigenous nations in the United States or the Shariah family courts in the United Kingdom

Vernacular schools are schools where the medium of education is a local or native language the alternative can be English based school or national language school. Example can be seen in Malaysia where there are Chinese or Tamil vernacular schools in Singapore where there are Chinese and Tamil vernacular school in India where there are Hindi and Urdu vernacular school and many more.

The use of stereotypes in comedy is that members of a certain community take the stereotypes that society builds on it and use them for comic effects. Examples of this are: Hannah Gadsby, a lesbian comedian who plays with the stereotypes that 'lesbians need a good man', Sofía Niño de Rivera, a Mexican comedian who plays with the stereotype of strict Latin American moms, or Martín León, a gay comedian who plays with the stereotype of homosexuality and the passion for pop music.

Respectability politics is an attempt to portray someone's values/goals as being compatible with current dominant/majority values. Examples of this include but are not limited to: discouraging people who have radical demands towards institutions.

Emmanuel Levinas was a French philosopher, whose contributions to existing theories on ethics and ethical responsibility have drastically shifted the perspectives surrounding complicity and have reoriented the ways in which people seek to understand their sense of commitment towards disenfranchised people in society. He argued that the individual’s sense of responsibility must be an essential component of one’s identity. For Levinas, this responsibility must also precede their recognition of the latter's identity. Not doing so, could allow the individual to be discriminative about the ways in which they seek to exercise their sense of commitment. His framework does not argue in favour of an invisibilisation of cultural identities, it seeks to position responsibility before the individual's recognition of cultural differences. this framework of ethical responsibility has been questioned by critics and scholars like Rachel Walsh who oppose the ways in which Levinas seeks to decontextualize the cultural encounter between the privileged and the oppressed. For Walsh, “the language in which the individual responds to the other” and the ways in which they seek to manifest their feeling of responsibility are precisely determined by the cultural contexts in which they reside, and the individual must condition their sense of commitment through an active recognition of identities within a cultural context. For Walsh, recognition of the self and the oppressed individual's identity must precede their sense of commitment.

The Life of George Washington” (1934) is a San Francisco school mural painted by Victor Arnautoff; it was one of countless artworks created by the Works Progress Administration (WPA) initiative under President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s administration to visualize a new roadmap toward national excellence under the adage, “Search for a usable American past.” Now, 85 years after its creation, administrators at the school where the painting resides have decided that there is nothing “usable” in Arnautoff’s images. George Washington High School has decided to paint over the 1,600-square-foot mural.The city’s school board voted unanimously to approve the repaint. Why? Because of its blunt retelling of history. Across 13 frescos, the painter renders an unvarnished portrait of Washington as a slave owner who incentivized settlers and troops to destroy Native American populations and land. One landscape includes a pack of soldiers painted in greyscale walking by the fallen corpse of an Indigenous person.Reactions to this gruesome scene have been mixed. Opponents of the mural have described it as a symbol of racial animus. In voting for its destruction, the school described their decision as a form of reparations for historic racial injustices against African Americans and Native Americans. While they recognize the need to keep history complicated, the anti-muralists also see the Arnautoff painting as a decontextualized daily problem for marginalized students and staff. The Reflection and Action Working Group, a committee of activists, students, artists, and others put together by the district, concluded in February that Arnautoff’s work “glorifies slavery, genocide, colonization, white supremacy, oppression, etc.” Black people and Native Americans in the school district have asked for the mural’s removal as a way to address continuing racial inequality.But according to a report by the New York Times, many other students favor the fresco. One student wrote, “The fresco shows us exactly how brutal colonization and genocide really were and are. The fresco is a warning and reminder of the fallibility of our hallowed leaders.” Art historians and alumni have also come to the painting’s defense, saying that it must be preserved as an example of WPA art and a frank representation of how cruel early America’s leading figures could be.

Context-1: In the past, the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) had explicitly articulated a sense of pan-Tamil, trans-national consciousness, which would allow Sri Lankan Tamilians to lay claim to a culture which was seemingly being hegemonised by their Indian and other non-Sri Lankan counterparts. The symbols used to represent their struggle were explicitly derived from a semi-mythologised “golden age” of Tamil civilisation (Sangam era) and significant attempts were made at emphasising a notion of transnational solidarity. After the defeat of the LTTE in 2009, the leaders of the Tamil political alliances of Sri Lanka have actively limited their demands for an independent nation state. Instead, alliances like the TNA (Tamil National Alliance) and TNPF (Tamil National People’s Front) have rallied with the intention of securing greater levels of autonomy by supporting a federal structure that accommodates their demand for “regional self-rule"". The leaders of the political alliances have also limited their expression of trans-national solidarity, fearing that doing so would further legitimise the claims of the majoritarian Sinhala nationalists, who sought to characterise them as outsiders without a legitimate claim in Sri Lanka. Instead, they have decided to assert their distinctiveness as a community with a historic Tamil presence and heritage within Sri Lanka itself. Context-2: On several occasions, the Sri Lankan government has arrested various members of the political alliances for actively memorialising historic Sri Lankan Tamil activists like Lt. Col. Thileepan. The government has also limited any attempts at commemorating the Tamilians who had lost their lives at the hands of the Sri Lankan government during their struggle with the LTTE. Such acts of repression by the Sri Lankan government have significantly hampered the ability of Tamil leaders and activists at emphasising their distinctive sense of self as a community within the nation. While many believe that the claim to a trans-national, pan-Tamil identity allows for a greater visibility of the Sri Lankan Tamil cause by encouraging international expressions of solidarity, others believe that this approach would allow several non-Sri Lankan Tamils to misunderstand, dilute and appropriate their struggle within the Nation. As of today, Palermo City, Italy has recognised the “genocide of Eelam Tamils perpetrated by the Sri Lankan state” and a few months ago, the British foreign secretary had expressed his desire to secure a level of funding that would allow a thorough investigation of the war crimes in Sri Lanka.

Expropriation is when the government claims back property from private owners, against their desire, for the benefits of the public Sometimes this happens to build motorways, airports or railways. But with a growing housing crisis across Europe, some countries, such as Berlin are setting a precedent for expropriation to be used to fight gentrification and allow local people to be able to afford to live in their cities. Many argue that the contemporary housing crisis cannot be solved by minor policy fixes. What is needed are large-scale solutions that tackle housing-insecurity and empower residents to challenge their increasing marginalisation. Questions have also been raised regarding the constitutionality of this approach

Diaspora a large group of people with a similar heritage or homeland who have moved to all places around the world.

Blackfishing is a term that describes the phenomenon of non-Black influencers and public figures using excessive bronzer tanning Photoshop or even cosmetic surgery to change their looks to appear Black or mixed race.

A century ago the eminent Bengali writer Rabindranath Tagore returned his knighthood to the viceroy of India. The “time has come when badges of honour make our shame glaring in their incongruous context of humiliation”, Tagore wrote in outrage as scores of peaceful protesters were massacred in Jallianwala Bagh. He would now “stand, shorn of all special distinctions, by the side of my countrymen”. The 1919 atrocities in Amritsar jolted the Nobel laureate into accepting that that his Knight Commander of the British Empire could not be treated as unconnected to the bloodied realities of that empire’s operations. David Olusoga is a British Nigerian popular historian, writer, broadcaster, presenter and film-maker. He is Professor of Public History at the University of Manchester. He was awarded an OBE for his services to history and community integration. Accepting his Order of the British Empire, the public historian David Olusoga, has insisted that while “the empire was an extractive, exploitative, racist and violent institution”, the fact that “there isn’t an empire any more” changes things completely. Olusoga suggests that, by acknowledging the “incredible achievements of black and Asian Britons”, OBEs can be seen as a defeat of racism

"Ain't I a Woman?' is a speech, delivered extemporaneously, by Sojourner TruThis house, (1797–1883), born into slavery in New York State. Sometime after gaining her freedom in 1827, she became a well-known anti-slavery speaker. Her speech was delivered at the Women's Convention in Akron, Ohio, on May 29, 1851. If there is a canon of African-American women’s rhetoric, Sojourner Truth’s speech “Ain’t I a Woman?” is a central text in that collection. It was an aptly chosen name, as illustrated by her speech, in which she at once refutes the prevailing myth that women are weaker than men while challenging social definitions of womanhood—which relies upon ideas about white women’s femininity and purity. Most people are familiar with the 1863 popular version of Sojourner Truth's famous, “Ain’t I a woman” speech but they have no idea that this popular version, while based off of Sojourner’s original 1851 speech, is not Sojourner's speech and is vastly different from Sojourner’s original 1851 speech. this popular but inaccurate version was written and published in 1863, (12 years after Sojourner gave the 'Ain't I a woman' speech), by a white abolitionist named Frances Dana Barker Gage. Curiously, Gage chose to represent Sojourner speaking in a stereotypical 'southern black slave accent', rather than in Sojourner’s distinct upper New York State low-Dutch accent. In an issue of the Kalamazoo Daily Telegraph, an article states that Truth prided herself on “fairly correct English, which is in all senses a foreign tongue to her. . . . People who report her often exaggerate her expressions, putting in to her mouth the most marked southern dialect.” For comparison, this is an excerpt from the text: “That man over there says that women need to be helped into carriages, and lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ain’t I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! I have ploughed and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me!” Gage’s version: “Dat man ober dar say dat women needs to be helped into carriages, and lifted over ditches, and to have de best place eberywhar. Nobody eber helps me into carriages or ober mud-puddles, or gives me any best place. - And ar’n’t I a woman? Look at me. Look at my arm. I have plowed and planted and gathered into barns, and no man could head me.”